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T |
he primary challenge the pro- |
“I think this program |
fathers and refusal skills for sons, |
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ject’s steering committee |
strengthening father-son communication, |
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is good for everybody. |
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members faced was to design |
and reinforcing cultural values. |
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Me and my father we |
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an intervention program that |
Participants are given an extensive |
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made sense to the community. They need- |
need to work together |
pre- and post-test that assesses everything |
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ed to devise a comprehensive approach to |
from fathers’ employment status, educa- |
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in the program. I love |
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program development that included focus |
tion, financial situation, and stress levels |
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groups and pilot tests with non-resident |
Dad and Mom.” |
to how they define themselves and what |
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African-American fathers and sons. This |
connection they have to their ethnicity as |
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would allow the researchers to constantly |
S O N |
well as their perceptions about discrimi- |
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assess the effectiveness of the interven- |
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nation. Both fathers and sons are asked to |
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tion under develop- |
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describe their physical |
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ment, thereby increas- |
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activity, substance use, |
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ing not only the relia- |
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and the nature of their |
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bility of the curriculum |
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communication with |
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content, but also the |
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one another. In addition, |
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chances of its being |
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sons are asked about |
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replicated in other |
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their sexual activity. |
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communities. It was |
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Although mothers are |
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also critical that the |
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not yet part of the inter- |
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intervention be cultur- |
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vention, they are integral |
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ally relevant. |
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to their sons’ participa- |
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“We knew from |
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tion, because mothers |
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the beginning that we |
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must be in favor of their |
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wanted the Fathers |
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sons having a relation- |
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and Sons Project to be |
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ship with their non-resi- |
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culturally relevant and |
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dent fathers. The moth- |
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gender-specific,” says |
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ers are the ones who |
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Caldwell. “We had to |
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give permission for their |
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think of unique ways to |
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sons to participate. |
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reach a population that |
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Mrs. E. Hill De Loney, |
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had not been the focus of much research |
“Homework is the cool |
the project’s community co–principal |
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before—that is, non-resident African- |
investigator and a long-time Flint resident, |
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American fathers—and bring them into |
thing about the class |
is especially passionate about the cultural |
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an intervention setting for two months.” |
emphasis of the program. She remembers |
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because it has been a |
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Because Zimmerman had previously |
well the days when racism and segrega- |
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conducted research with African-American |
long time since I had to |
tion were blatant in Flint. In the fifties |
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adolescents in the Flint community, the |
and sixties, she says, “if a woman wanted |
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do homework. All |
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researchers were able to build on relevant |
to qualify for public assistance, she could- |
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empirical findings that suggested that |
n’t have a man in the house. A mother |
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around, this fathers and |
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fathers mattered in the lives of their |
had to live alone.” |
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children when it came to health risk |
sons course is the best |
In traditional African cultures, moth- |
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behaviors. |
ers and fathers loved and reared children |
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thing I have been a part |
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After three years of collaboration with |
they knew were not even their own—the |
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community partners, a comprehensive |
of in my life.” |
idea that it takes a village to raise a child. |
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15-session curriculum emerged. |
And that’s an essential component that |
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The intervention is conducted in small |
F A T H E R |
De Loney is most passionate about, con- |
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groups of fathers and sons that meet twice |
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necting family members and showing |
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weekly, over the course of two months, in |
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them how much influence they can pro- |
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two-to-three-hour sessions led by commu- |
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vide whether or not they reside with a |
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nity facilitators. Sessions focus on three |
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child. “We start early in the program |
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areas: enhancing parenting skills for |
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getting families connected and talking |